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Written by: Martin Plaut

Published: 04 May 2025

I would stress at the outset: this is an initial attempt to consider these questions. I wish to interrogate issues that have only limited public discussion and my analysis is tentative. I would welcome any informed criticism.

There is one central question that is genuinely puzzling about Eritrea: why its people, who fought with such courage and sacrifice for thirty years to achieve independence and freedom, only to allow the fruits of their suffering to be denied them for more than three decades. What Eritreans have endured since they captured Asmara from Ethiopian forces in 1991 is well documented. At times they have protested; at times they have revolted, (as in 2013 when mutinous troops reached Forto on the edge of the capital, only to be outwitted and then brutally repressed).[1]

Read more: Looking beyond Isaias: Complexities of the make-up of the Eritrean population, past and present –...

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Written by: Fesseha Nair

Published: 01 May 2025

  Introduction

The aim of this paper is to clarify the essence of federalism to resolve conflicts of power- sharing in political, economic, social and cultural livelihood of the Eritrean diversity. The Eritrean National Alliance has put two on its charter, “ the principles of federalism or democratic decentralization and the fundamental rights “ of the various communities of Eritrea. But, how are these principles are still to be studied. The Eritrean scholars and intellectuals should focus their studies on the realities of Eritrea. In Eritrea, there is an oppressed and oppressor- this has evidenced after Eritrea’s independence.

Who is the oppressor, its structure and its functions, and its supporters will be exposed to the Eritrean people?

One cannot bury the facts and build a false history in Eritrea.( See The Agaziaan Movement) The state building in Eritrea must be based on the diversity of the Eritrean people wishes and aspirations not by imposing assimilative policies of a one- man dictatorship.

The analysis of issues of conflict in Eritrea has been discussed many times. The long traditions of political, economic and social differences inside the Eritrean socio-economic and socio-politic structures had been neglected and passed by saying , “ We Eritreans are one people and one heart,  “ or say don’t speak about our difference, because we can be divided. In the first place, the socio- economic and socio-political structure and its divisive forces – ethnic ( race , language and culture ) religion and political ideology must be addressed properly without fear. Generally speaking , Eritreans have been escaping from the realities, that Eritreans are different in their socio –economic and political structures. Eritrea can be divided into three categories based on its socio- economic and political structures. 1. The west and east lowlanders. 2. The kebesa people- comprising tigrinya speaking christians and jeberti moslems and the Saho People on the eastern escarpment of the province of Akele- guzai. 3. The Afars of the  Red Sea.

Read more: Why federalism or democratic decentralization in Eritrea?

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Written by: Eritrean Research Institute for Policy and Strategy (ERIPS)

Published: 29 March 2025

Public Condemnation Letter Regarding the Unjust Treatment of Eritrean Refugees by German Authorities

We strongly condemn the recent unjust and unfair actions taken by German authorities against Eritrean refugees residing in Germany. The ongoing targeting and classification of these refugees as terrorism suspects is deeply troubling and must cease immediately.

For many years, Eritrean refugees in numerous countries have peacefully demonstrated against events orchestrated by the Eritrean government. These events, disguised as cultural festivals, serve as propaganda platforms intended to intimidate Eritrean refugees abroad. Recently, throughout 2022 and 2023, Eritrean communities worldwide, including those in Germany organized under the banner of Brigade Nhamedu, have protested these events, rightfully denouncing the oppressive messages and threats emanating from the Eritrean regime.

Read more: Public Condemnation Letter Regarding the Unjust Treatment of Eritrean Refugees by German Authorities

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Written by: Arab News

Published: 25 March 2025

ADDIS ABABA: Eight survivors of the devastating conflict in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region have accused 12 high-ranking Ethiopian and Eritrean civilian and military officials of war crimes and crimes against humanity, the legal rights group representing them said on Monday.

The Tigray region, bordering Eritrea, endured a war between 2020 and 2022 that claimed up to 600,000 lives, according to some estimates.

The conflict pitted Tigray People’s Liberation Front rebels against federal Ethiopian forces, supported by local militias and the Eritrean army.

Both sides were accused of committing atrocities, with the government sealing off Tigray for most of the war and restricting humanitarian aid to the region.

Read more: Ethiopian, Eritrean officials accused of war crimes

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Written by: Borkena.com

Published: 07 March 2025

Toronto – Many politicians and military figures have recently been predicting the inevitability of war between Eritrea and Ethiopia, following the collapse of what initially appeared to be a warm relationship between Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and further deterioration of their relation. The relationship deteriorated in less than three years, though the underlying causes remain unclear to the public.

Read more: Jobe Sees High Likelihood of Eritrea-Ethiopia Conflict, Intervention of Other Powers

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Written by: borkena.com

Published: 01 March 2025

Toronto – About two weeks ago, former Ethiopian President Mulatu Teshome published an op-ed piece on Al Jazeera, claiming that the Eritrean government is working to stir conflict in the region by using one faction of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The former president argued that the conflict he predicted could extend far beyond the Horn of Africa and that the Eritrean government must be stopped “before it is too late.” He further asserted that war is a business for the Eritrean government.

At the time, it was widely believed, including by the Eritrean government, that Mulatu’s views represented those of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration. One possible confirmation of this was Eritrea’s response, in which the Minister of Information, Yemane Gebremeskel, released a statement accusing Ethiopia of “warmongering.” Notably, Eritrea typically does not respond to accusations unless they are of a serious nature.

However, the Ethiopian government has now distanced itself from the views expressed by former President Mulatu Teshome. On Friday, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that the former president shared his personal opinions based on his experience in the region. Nebiyu Getachew, the ministry’s spokesperson, made these remarks during a press conference. “Ethiopia is a country with, fortunately, more than one former president,” the spokesperson was quoted as saying, subtly implying that Eritrea has been under the leadership of President Isaias Afwerki and that Eritreans are unfamiliar with the concept of a former president.

Eritrea has not yet responded to Ethiopia’s latest statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In the days following Mulatu’s Al Jazeera article, reports surfaced that Eritrea had recalibrated its military mobilization to include former soldiers aged 60. Additionally, a travel ban was reportedly introduced, preventing men and women under the age of 50 from leaving the country. Dawit, a Calgary-based pro-Eritrean government activist, dismissed the BBC Amharic report as fake. In an interview with Anchor Media this week, he stated, “I would rather believe Fana [Ethiopian state media] than BBC Amharic.”

The relation between the two countries further deteriorated and there are growing concerns that a war could erupt between Eritrea and Ethiopia.